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This conceptual article and special issue introduction argues for the importance of studying three policy paradigms surrounding welfare policy opposition. The first is welfare populism, the opposition to welfare policies that do not benefit the 'common people'. The second is welfare chauvinism, the opposition to welfare policies for non-natives within a nation-state. The third is welfare Euroscepticism, the opposition to welfare policies at the European Union level. These paradigms have distinct causes and consequences that should be studied in more detail across different political actors. And while welfare policy opposition may not lead to a complete farewell to welfare, they have been shaping and will continue to shape welfare state recalibration. This article offers summaries of the special issue contributions with empirical snapshots of welfare policy opposition and concludes with avenues for future research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Existing research on welfare chauvinism, which involves preferences about the inclusion or exclusion of immigrants in welfare programmes, often overlooks individual preferences regarding immigration policy openness (the number of immigrants allowed into a country). This article posits that these two dimensions should be considered together. The reason is that the implications of including or excluding migrants in welfare programmes vary significantly depending on whether a country admits few or many immigrants. Utilizing data from two waves of the European Social Survey across 23 European countries, we develop a typology of individual stances that encapsulate attitudes towards both immigration policy openness and immigrant inclusion in the welfare state. Our analysis reveals that the distribution of these stances varies considerably across European nations. We further examine how the probability of endorsing one of these typologies correlates with individual socio-economic characteristics, especially education. We find that higher education levels are linked to a higher likelihood of supporting either a combination of openness and inclusion or, to a lesser extent, openness paired with welfare exclusion. Additionally, more exclusionary attitudes are observed in countries where welfare usage by migrants is higher. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While the European Union (EU) increasingly strengthens its social integration, opposition towards this process can also be observed, here defined as 'welfare Euroscepticism'. To better understand this newly defined policy paradigm, this article aims to explain longstanding cleavages in both social policy and EU research: socioeconomic status (SES) divides. Contrary to the literature on public support for European integration, this article argues that higher SES groups are more likely to be welfare Eurosceptics than lower SES groups. This argument and its underlying explanations are examined through a multilevel approach using European Social Survey data from 18 EU member states, using the example of a potential EU-wide minimum income scheme. First, the results demonstrate that welfare Euroscepticism is indeed more prevalent among higher SES groups than lower SES groups (measured through occupation, education, income, and employment). The results indicate robust self-interest patterns among higher SES groups that do not want to carry (perceived) financial burdens of EU social policies. The opinion patterns also emphasize the multidimensionality of attitudes towards EU policies since the SES cleavages can reverse, depending on the policy in focus. Overall, the results indicate much potential to mobilize the larger proportion of the public to support EU social policies, that is, lower SES groups. However, potential conflicts may arise when the EU expands on policies that their traditional supporters – higher SES groups – are more likely to oppose. The article also shows that welfare solidarity on the individual and the country level can mitigate such conflicts. This is because higher levels of welfare generosity and lower levels of welfare chauvinism on the individual and the country level are related to smaller SES cleavages. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What explains welfare chauvinistic policy reform, that is, targeted exclusion of non-citizens from welfare? Existing research suggest that contextual factors like far-right party success, perceived immigration pressures, party ideologies and institutions could spur such reform, but the processes behind reforms remain understudied. This article draws on public policy literature to call attention the critical role of agency and institutions in welfare chauvinist reform. It focuses on a law excluding migrant EU citizens from social assistance in Germany. Through process tracing and inductive reconstruction of the policy process, based on political documents, interviews, media reporting and descriptive statistics, we show that the policy proposal originated from German city administrations; that the city of Hamburg was key in pushing for exclusions; and that Hamburg's success in doing so crucially depended on the city's mayor. Several comparable German cities (in terms of party politics and levels of immigration) were equally concerned with 'welfare immigration' and complained about problem pressure, but only Hamburg had a committed mayor with the right political networks and institutional resources to lobby for welfare exclusions at the federal level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Welfare chauvinism and welfare populism as characteristic features of radical right parties' welfare stances have become challenges to the welfare state. However, in order to understand how these claims may indeed affect welfare politics, it is essential to study whether welfare chauvinism and welfare populism attract voters beyond the radical right, especially among the mainstream right or even parts of the left. Results based on original public opinion data in eight Western European countries show that, contrary to widespread assumptions, welfare chauvinism and welfare populism divide the right more than the left. Electorates of not only green, but also most social democratic and radical left parties are consistently most opposed to discriminating welfare rights between natives and immigrants, although this opposition is weaker among left working-class voters than among left middle-class voters. Even voters of most mainstream right parties show only moderate support for welfare populism and welfare chauvinism, leaving the fervent support of radical right voters for welfare chauvinism and populism unmatched by any other electorate. These findings have important implications for the strategic situation of left parties and for understanding how welfare chauvinism and welfare populism may challenge welfare states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the impact of the radical right political discourse on welfare chauvinistic attitudes over time. Using data from two rounds of the European Social Survey (2008/09 and 2016/17), the Comparative Political Data Set and the Manifesto Project for 17 European countries, our analyses show that radical right mobilization and the salience of political rhetoric framed on cultural diversity and immigration issues have a significant positive effect on welfare chauvinist attitudes. Although in the years after the Great Recession and the refugee crisis, welfare chauvinism remained fairly stable among the general European public, the influence of radical right mobilization and negative political discourse on welfare chauvinism has significantly increased. Furthermore, we find that when radical right parties become stronger and the political rhetoric regarding cultural diversity and immigration becomes more salient, differences in welfare chauvinist attitudes between people with different political affiliations become more polarized. These results contribute to a broader understanding of the mechanisms underlying welfare chauvinistic attitudes and mark the importance of the inclusion of political factors in studies on welfare chauvinism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Welfare chauvinism, that is, the exclusion of non-citizens who live permanently within a state from social benefits and services, has become a mainstream form of welfare policy opposition advocated by some political parties and members of the public. While existing studies have successfully cast a light on the roots and scope of these policies, welfare chauvinism effectively encompasses a wide range of ideas that all have different meanings. Drawing on the stances taken by populist radical right parties, this article introduces five categories (or frames) of welfare chauvinism: temporary, selective, functional, cultural and, in its most extreme form, unconditional chauvinism. The article then illustrates how such categorization is applied empirically by focusing on the stances taken by three populist radical right parties and open-ended discussions held during mini-publics in examples of three different institutional forms of welfare state: Denmark, Germany and the United Kingdom. This article offers a more precise depiction of how this form of opposition to welfare state policies plays out in the public sphere, taking full account of how different forms and frames of welfare chauvinism yield different policy outcomes and implications in different institutional and political contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study investigates whether pensioners with a foreign ethnic background are perceived as less deserving to receive a pension than are native pensioners. It focuses on Germany as an example with a strongly achievement-oriented social insurance system which closely links benefits to previous contributions. Hence, the system prevents a citizen from receiving benefits without having contributed. Our study thus adds to existing research by examining a less likely case to find welfare chauvinistic attitudes. To test our expectations, we rely on a factorial survey design and a probability sample of the German population in 2019. Survey respondents decide on the amount of pension benefits that a hypothetical pensioner should receive. Characteristics of the hypothetical pensioner – ethnic background, gender, last income, contribution years, the number of children and other dependents – are randomly varied. Our study finds support for welfare chauvinist attitudes in an achievement-oriented social insurance system. Even for the same achievement, that is, same income, contribution years and number of children, natives grant lower pensions to pensioners with a foreign ethnic background than to natives. Also, even if migrants show the most favourable behaviour (that is, having contributed to the pension system for many years and with a high income), the ethnic penalty in pensions remains significant. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Summary: Migration has always constituted a meeting point of opportunity, risk, and vulnerability. Concerns surrounding the sex trafficking of women have caused moral panic since the mid-1800s and led to social workers' preventive initiatives and interventions in Europe and the United States. This article explores a historical moment in which Henrietta Szold, who headed the Social Welfare Department in Mandatory Palestine in 1934, decided to send social workers to the Jaffa and Haifa ports to welcome young, single immigrant women from Germany in the light of rumours of the moral dangers they faced upon entering the country. This feminist historical study of social work employed qualitative analysis of archival texts to investigate the professional decision-making processes involved in sending a social worker to the Jaffa port and the results of the decisions that were made. Findings: The findings trace the course of events that took place in 1934 using three categories: the rumours, their investigation, and the results and implications of the investigations. The findings point to intersections of nationalism, gender, and professionalism in social work. Applications: This article contributes to the evolving knowledge on moral panic in social work and reveals the historical practice used in social work policy and interventions in facing moral panic regarding young women immigrants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This qualitative study was informed by critical race feminism and sought to examine Canadian Black women's motivations for participating in the research study that explored their experiences with the police in the context of intimate partner violence (IPV), and the key factors that complicated their decisions. Semistructured interviews were conducted with 25 self-identified women over the age of 18. Findings indicated that Black women's experiences of anti-Black racism and various forms of systemic barriers influenced their decisions to disclose their experiences of IPV. Key themes included the invisibility of Black women's narratives, fostering political change, and the impact of racialized and gendered insider positionality. Given these findings, positioning Black women's narratives at the centre of IPV research creates opportunities for Black women to share their experiences of IPV, recognizes them as experts of their own experiences, identifies their differential experiences accessing services and supports and the barriers that impact their participation in research studies. The study provides strategies on how to increase Black women's participation and engagement in IPV research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explains how participatory approaches can promote civic engagement among young people, resulting from their active involvement in the research process, namely identifying their communities' priorities and problems. Five project‐building sessions were held with young people from five contexts located in the border regions of mainland Portugal. The data supporting this article were collected during sessions dedicated to identifying and exploring community‐based problems and priorities and designing projects to address those local challenges. The results show the importance of contextualising young people's experiences and priorities, here related to their own community and its well‐being and development. It is here that using participatory methodologies can create opportunities for young people to participate in processes of community change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

According to the literature, the success of deinstitutionalization (DI) practices in low‐ and middle‐income countries (LMICs) is dependent on key factors including, a well‐functioning family‐based alternative care and social protection system, adequate funding and resources, and professional and other stakeholders' engagement and support. Following a practice research qualitative method, the study explored practitioner's experiences and perceptions on the status of Ghana's ongoing DI efforts and their recommendations for improving implementation. The study's main themes were establishing the need for residential homes for children (RHCs), RHCs not being an ideal family environment and RHCs as respite. Family marital problems, poor financial situation, stigma attached to some children in care, abusive parents and a lack of suitable alternatives when families have a crisis were identified as key factors that impede DI implementation in Ghana. The findings suggest the need for a progressive approach towards DI implementation in LMICs, with the first step being the re‐positioning of RHCs as respite care centres while progressively developing other alternative family‐based care options (such as kinship care) for children. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Amid recent political conflicts and the implementation of the national security law, Hong Kong society has undergone tremendous changes. Among other effects, the new law has spawned controversial social discourses, including about social workers' responsibility to uphold human rights and promote social justice per the Hong Kong Social Workers Registration Board's Code of Practice. This article, based on an analysis of interviews with six social workers in Hong Kong, examines how social workers understand social justice according to those discourses. The findings and this article's discussion of them offer insights into social workers' roles in an increasingly turbulent sociopolitical context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article provides and empirically tests an analytical model that considers the relationship between the discretionary power of street‐level bureaucrats (SLBs) and the institutional and organisational structures at meso and macro levels. The proposal maintains a bottom‐up perspective in the analysis of discretionary practices; at the same time, it highlights the relevance of multilevel governance systems as institutional spaces in opening and constraining the room for manoeuvre of SLBs. The analytical model is tested to comparatively analyse the implementation of the Italian guaranteed minimum income (Reddito di Cittadinanza) in two different regional welfare systems. The analysis focused on the practices and perceptions of the "navigators", a new professional group introduced to implement the same policy. The fieldwork pointed out different spaces for and forms of discretion, highlighting that different institutional arrangements affect discretion and the variability of practices; however individual and professional group factors coupled with similar external constraints nuanced this variability with the emergence of common ones. In this article, the analytical model allowed to consider in a comparative perspective how institutional factors, besides individual and professional ones, influence discretion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Previous studies have revealed significant gaps in the UK public's knowledge about the welfare state and the economy. However, we know little about which groups of the population know more, and which less. Drawing on survey evidence, we confirm that many people overstimate both the size of unemployment provision and levels of benefit fraud, and also make mistakes when answering factual questions about finance, employment rights, and benefit entitlements. While men, older people and university degree holders demonstrate slightly better knowledge on average, substantial differences appear when we distinguish specific domains of knowledge. For example, women know more about benefits, but men more about finance. We argue that understanding patterns of economic knowledge requires more complex engagement than has been undertaken to date. This is important because we find that knowledge is linked to political attitudes, with those who are more supportive of the welfare state – and those who tend to emphasise the government's role in the delivery of public services – more likely to demonstrate greater levels of knowledge. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the production, working and impact of the UK's hostile environment on migrant families with precarious legal status. Our approach is informed by two bodies of scholarly work: critical border studies and research on migrant families. We bridge these literatures to show how the hostile environment is neither a singular, neatly bounded space, nor limited to a set of interactions between immigration enforcement and a clear-cut group of people (so-called 'illegal immigrants'). It affects the lives of a wider segment of the UK population, in particular racialised migrants and citizens, by making their legal status more insecure and precarious, and percolates in multiple and intersecting domains in the lives of families, such as education, housing and welfare, making them ambivalent sites of protection and safety as well as control and enforcement. Drawing on ethnographic engagement with families with insecure immigration statuses, we explore how the hostile environment manifests in the everyday lives of families; how the hostile environment circulates and is re-enacted within the micro-politics of families; and how families negotiate the continuous work of protecting children from the effects of the hostile environment. In conclusion we argue that dramatic and rapid shifts in immigration rules and regulations undermine the capacity of mothers to navigate the policy environment and welfare for their children and to shield them from the consequences of state-driven hostility towards immigrants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Free School Meals (FSM) have been the site of renewed contestation and extensive campaigning in the last half-decade. Until recently, children in families with 'no recourse to public funds' because of their immigration status were excluded from accessing FSMs, despite being some of the most destitute in Britain. Through an analysis of campaign materials and interviews with advocates, we consider this dynamic policy terrain in light of the UK's 'hostile environment' and consider lessons for campaigners. By exploring imaginaries of childhood, poverty, and nation shaping FSM policies, we offer a warning that campaigns can end up justifying exclusions at the same time as aiming for more expansive support. How campaigns represent their causes has implications, which, in this case, is often through the exceptionalism and hyper-deservingness of childhood. We argue these representations reduce discussion to technical questions about who is 'deserving', thereby risking shoring up an exclusionary and hostile state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents personal stories from a participatory biographical arts-based study with a specific category of racialised migrants: individuals seeking asylum, in the North East of England. Responding to the important questions posed by this special issue, the article explores individual experiences of navigating the UK's hostile environment with a focus on the threefold punitive 'threat' of dispersal, detention, and destitution (Bloch and Schuster, 2005). Adopting an intersectional lens, the discussion highlights the impact of such policies and their compound effect of creating (un)safe and exclusionary everyday spaces, while also outlining the potential for resistance as illustrated by participants' actions and their creative (re)actions as part of the study's arts-based approach. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The environmental/economic dispatch (EED) of power systems addresses the environmental pollution problems caused by power generation at the operational level, offering macroscopic control without requiring additional construction and remediation costs, garnering widespread attention in recent years. This paper undertakes a comprehensive review of existing EED models, categorizing them according to the control of atmospheric pollutants into total air pollutant control (TAPC) and control considering the spatial and temporal diffusion (STD) of atmospheric pollutants. In addition, various methods employed to address the EED problems, as well as the current state of research on multi-area EED models, are presented. Finally, this paper analyzes and summarizes the literature on existing EED models, highlighting the deficiencies of the current work and future research directions. Through these explorations, the authors find that controlling the EED model by considering TAPC is more suitable for general macro planning, whereas the EED model considering the STD of air pollutant emissions enables more precise and effective control. Summarizing such models and techniques is conducive to developing dispatch plans adapted to local conditions, which is significantly beneficial for public welfare and government management, promoting sustainable and environmentally friendly power system dispatch methods. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Climate-related risks, vulnerabilities, and impacts are increasing in cities, illustrated by precipitation-driven pluvial floods. Post-event analyses can aid in reducing urban flood risks, but knowledge gaps exist regarding how welfare services and premises are impacted and can be adapted. This study analyses an extreme precipitation-driven event generating extensive flooding in Gävle, Sweden, in 2021. The objective is to increase knowledge about how municipal welfare services are vulnerable to pluvial floods, and of appropriate actions towards improving the response capacity and building more resilient welfare premises and operations. The study shows that the Swedish weather warning system generally worked well, but the analysed property companies lacked strategies and equipment to evade flooding in their properties. Flood damages in 60 analysed buildings were generated by different causes, demonstrating the importance of contemplating the vulnerability of welfare buildings when conducting flood risk assessments. Although the flood event did not cause deaths or serious personal injuries, the study identified impacts on welfare service operations in both the short and long terms. The event increased learning on climate adaptation but did not trigger adaptive action. Identified keys for adaptation include prioritizing premises to protect, knowledge of flood protection equipment, insurance company requirements, and updated emergency plans. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The implementation of good governance is the main prerequisite for carrying out state goals, especially in providing public welfare. In line with the large demands of society for the implementation of good governance, the government must provide quality public services. In this regard, development planning is needed that is systematic, directed, comprehensive, and responsive to the dynamics of community needs. In the government's efforts to provide public services, it is necessary to develop and implement a real legal accountability system for the implementation public services, so that the implementation of government and development can take place in an efficient, clean and accountable manner. The responsibility of Commitment Making Officials in the procurement of government goods/services consists of administrative responsibility and criminal responsibility. Administrative responsibility occurs if an administrative violation occurs, and will be subject to administrative sanctions. Meanwhile, criminal liability means the possibility that a criminal act has occurred and can be subject to criminal sanctions. However, this responsibility can also be imposed on other officials involved in the procurement of goods/services, such as Budget Users, Budget User Proxies, Procurement Officials/Election Working Group, as long as their involvement in the criminal act can be proven. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the latter half of the twentieth century, Protestant churches in Hong Kong and institutions associated with them played a significant role in the daily lives of the people of Hong Kong. However, the role of ordinary people in the social functions of Protestant churches in Hong Kong during this period has rarely been explored in the previous literature. Interpreting several cases from written archives and oral history archives, this study aims to demonstrate how Protestant churches in Hong Kong held special significance as a public place for the ordinary people of the local community, who played an active role in these churches to serve the local community and derived self-satisfaction from doing so. This study also reveals how these local Protestant churches and the associated institutions emerged as a cultural nexus of power along with individuals who contributed to them to provide different types of welfare and social services to the community, which the colonial government in Hong Kong failed to provide. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Neuroendocrine tumors (NETs) are a heterogeneous class of cancers, predominately occurring in the gastroenteropancreatic system, which pose a growing health concern with a significant rise in incidence over the past four decades. Emerging from neuroendocrine cells, these tumors often elicit paraneoplastic syndromes such as carcinoid syndrome, which can manifest as a constellation of symptoms significantly impacting patients' quality of life. The prognosis of NETs is influenced by their tendency for metastasis, especially in cases involving the liver, where the estimated 5-year survival is between 20 and 40%. Although surgical resection remains the preferred curative option, challenges emerge in cases of neuroendocrine tumors with liver metastasis (NELM) with multifocal lobar involvement, and many patients may not meet the criteria for surgery. Thus, minimally invasive and non-surgical treatments, such as locoregional therapies, have surfaced. Overall, these approaches aim to prioritize symptom relief and aid in overall tumor control. This review examines locoregional therapies, encompassing catheter-driven procedures, ablative techniques, and radioembolization therapies. These interventions play a pivotal role in enhancing progression-free survival and managing hormonal symptoms, contributing to the dynamic landscape of evolving NELM treatment. This review meticulously explores each modality, presenting the current state of the literature on their utilization and efficacy in addressing NELM. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article delves into the intricate relationship between the evolution of Argentina's labor market, particularly the historical inclusion of women, and the contours of contemporary social welfare policies for female recipients. Set against the backdrop of a decades-long crisis in employment and income, especially affecting low-income families and women tasked with caregiving responsibilities, the article posits the hypothesis that the trend of feminization in social welfare policies partly stems from the pauperization of Argentina's labor market in the latter part of the 20th century and the historically subordinate role of women within patriarchal capitalist societies. Employing an empirical-historical methodology, it scrutinizes the shifts and dynamics of the labor market over the 20th century as well as the features of the welfare policy framework at the beginning of the 21st century. The article is a contribution to Argentina's labor market and social policy literature and portrays current socio-welfare programs as an adaptation to the employment and income crisis, further entrenching women's subordinate status within the social fabric. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Engineers are professionally obligated to protect the safety and well‐being of the public impacted by the technologies they design and maintain. In an increasingly complex sociotechnical world, engineering educators and professional institutions have a duty to train engineers in these responsibilities. Purpose/Hypothesis: This article asks, where are engineers trained in their public welfare responsibilities, and how effective is this training? We argue that engineers trained in public welfare responsibilities, especially within engineering education, will demonstrate greater understanding of their duty to recognize and respond to public welfare concerns. We expect training in formal engineering classes to be more broadly impactful than training in contexts like work or professional societies. Data/Methods: We analyze unique survey data from a representative sample of US practicing engineers using descriptive and regression techniques. Results: Consistent with expectations, engineers who received public welfare responsibility training in engineering classes are more likely than other engineers to understand their responsibilities to protect public health and safety and problem‐solve collectively, to recognize the importance of social consequences and ethical responsibilities in their own jobs, to have noticed ethical issues in their workplace, and to have taken action about an issue that concerned them. Training through other parts of college, workplaces, or professional societies has comparatively little impact. Concerningly, nearly a third of engineers reported never being trained in public welfare responsibilities. Conclusion: These results suggest that training in engineering education can shape engineers' long‐term understanding of their public welfare responsibilities. They underscore the need for these responsibilities to be taught as a core, non‐negotiable part of engineering education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

International carbon allocation confronts the conflict between efficiency and equality. Previous research based on the intergroup bias perspective has attributed carbon allocation preference to the defence of ingroup interests (i.e., national interests) while overlooking the critical role of trade‐offs between competing moral values. Integrating the contingency theory of justice and moral philosophical theories of utilitarianism and egalitarianism, we proposed that the moral‐values trade‐off between utilitarianism and egalitarianism determines carbon allocation preference through justice reasoning. Analysis of large‐scale survey datasets (Study 1) revealed that aggregated national endorsement of utilitarianism over egalitarianism predicted greater efficiency preference in total and per capita carbon emission levels. Study 2 demonstrated that experimentally manipulating endorsement of utilitarianism versus egalitarianism boosted efficiency (vs. equality) preference in carbon allocation, and justice reasoning characterized by enhanced efficiency‐focused justice and diminished equality‐focused justice accounted for these effects. Using a 'manipulation‐of‐mediator' design, Study 3 further confirmed the causal link in the mediation model. By highlighting the significance of moral trade‐offs in shaping carbon allocation preference, this research not only provides a novel moral perspective in understanding debates on international carbon allocation but also has important implications for fostering international carbon abatement cooperation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Less educated people are viewed negatively and their opinions are belittled in our society. Besides, along with other groups, they are underrepresented in the political arena which questions the legitimacy of democratic systems. Despite the existence of education‐based devaluation, research on how people dehumanize individuals and groups with lesser education and minimize their democratic rights is scarce. In this project, we provide correlational evidence that less (vs. highly) educated individuals and groups are dehumanized (Study 1a, N = 304) and their democratic rights (voting, running for office) are questioned (Study 1b, N = 504). Furthermore, we identified that dehumanization tendencies of the less (vs. highly) educated targets predict support for denying them voting rights or the capability to run for public candidacies (Study 2, N = 447). Finally, an experimental study confirmed that the target's educational background influences attributions of humanity, which in turn seem to affect the denial of democratic rights to the target (Study 3, N = 470). These findings suggest that education‐based dehumanization might undermine the inalienable democratic rights of lesser educated individuals and groups thus endangering the foundations of democratic systems. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background:Chlamydia is a Gram-negative obligate intracellular bacterium that is pathogenic for humans and a large variety of veterinary animal species. However, there is no continuous monitoring of chlamydia infection data in pigs in Hunan province, southern China. Therefore, in order to evaluate the seroprevalence and identify risk factors associated with Chlamydia infection in pigs within this region, a comprehensive study was conducted. Methods: A total of 3848 serum samples were collected from pigs (from farmers and companies) between May 2017 and August 2018. The presence of specific antibodies against Chlamydia was determined through the employment of the indirect hemagglutination assay (IHA). Results: The overall seroprevalence of Chlamydia was determined to be 26.90% (1038/3848, 95% confidence interval: 25.60–28.40). By employing statistical analysis using SPSS software (p < 0.05), factors such as altitude, sampling regions, and rearing systems of pigs were identified as potential risk factors for Chlamydia infection. Conclusion: These findings elucidate a substantial prevalence of Chlamydia in pigs within the mountainous region of Hunan province, southern China, thereby highlighting a potential risk to human health. These results underscore the need for proactive measures and targeted interventions to mitigate the transmission of Chlamydia in porcine populations, safeguarding both animal welfare and public health. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Could perceived relative economic standing affect citizens' support for political leaders and institutions? We explore this question by examining Pakistan's national unconditional cash transfer program, the Benazir Income Support Program (BISP). Leveraging a regression discontinuity approach using BISP's administrative data and an original survey experiment, we find that perceptions of relative deprivation color citizen reactions to social protection. When citizens do not feel relatively deprived, receiving cash transfers has little sustained effect on individuals' reported level of support for their political system and its leaders. However, when citizens feel relatively worse off, those receiving cash transfers become more politically satisfied while those denied transfers become more politically disgruntled. Moreover, the magnitude of the reduction in political support among non‐beneficiaries is larger than the magnitude of the increase in political support among beneficiaries. This has important implications for our understanding of the political ramifications of rising perceived inequality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

I describe and analyze a model of strategic communication and deliberation in decentralized decision‐making settings. I show that, in a cheap‐talk environment, inclusion and exclusion of agents can affect the credibility of messaging between agents and, accordingly, the quality of policy decisions and overall social welfare. Somewhat surprisingly, the inclusion of agents can aid information aggregation and social welfare even when the added agents do not themselves communicate truthfully. Analogously, the results suggest an informational, social welfare–based rationale for excluding agents not only from observing policy‐relevant deliberation but also from observing the product of the communication precisely because the excluded agents possess decision‐making authority. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this study is to study how a specific assistive technology, namely wash toilet systems, are used and which values they enact for their users. The study is primarily based on ten semi-structured interviews conducted with older adults who were offered a wash toilet as an element in the welfare service of a large Danish municipality. The study shows how, in various ways, specific aspects of wash toilet systems are associated with specific aspects of human physiology. Essential challenges to older adults that implicate the use of wash toilet systems either relate to 'arms that cannot reach behind', or the leakage of urine and eventually faeces. Furthermore the study shows that values enacted by wash toilet systems differ in the various arrangements, e.g., enabling social relations, being a part of something, being self-reliant or independent, preserving intimacy limits, or just 'be pleased with'. The wash toilet systems are woven into several different arrangements of the ageing body, wheelchairs, walkers, care personnel, spouses, diapers, etc. being situated in differently spaced bathrooms in different homes and different municipalities. We propose that the abandonment of focus on abstract policy values in favour of an emphasis on the actual arrangements of technology and the human body in old age will, in fact, be beneficial to our understanding of how welfare technology can contribute to enhanced citizenship. An implication of this study for rehabilitation is not to take for granted how a wash toilet system will interact in arrangements with older adults, but attend to the potentially various/many ways the system can create value for the user in the actual arrangement it is part of. Another implication of the study is that it is always an empirical question whether self-reliance – which is often an aim of implementing assistive technologies - is an effect of a specific arrangement of a wash toilet system and the human body in old age. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Transgender and gender diverse (TGD) social work students experience microaggressions on campuses, curricula that are often cissexist and stigmatizing, and a lack of inclusive facilities, like gender-neutral bathrooms. The Transgender Justice Group (TJG) was founded by students at a School of Social Welfare (SSW) to respond to these and other pressing issues on the campus of a public university in the Midwestern U.S. This report aims to describe the formation process and activities of the TJG and provide recommendations for students, staff, and faculty who are interested in creating similar groups at other universities. Students and supporting faculty used a nonhierarchical approach to define, strategize, and implement advocacy goals, including creating more trans-affirming classrooms and increasing positive and proactive administrative responses to recent harmful anti-trans laws. Strategies for achieving these goals included engagement with a private, student-only online group chat, the production of regular informational webinars, and student-led meetings with school administrators to formally address state political actions negatively affecting TGD and queer people. Our group benefited from a dual focus on student support and advocacy. Through the TJG's ongoing work, students learned to collaborate more effectively, a skill that is crucial for their careers in the social work profession. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Economic growth is commonly seen as the main driver of poverty reduction in a global perspective, but its impact varies substantially across cases. Meanwhile, the literature has been relatively silent regarding the role of social policy in explaining this variation. In light of an emerging attention to redistribution and social protection in promoting inclusive growth, this article analyses how government cash transfer systems moderate the effect of economic growth on both relative and absolute child poverty across low- and middle-income countries. The empirical analyses compare trends within 16 countries, using data from the Luxembourg Income Study (LIS), by means of descriptive analyses and multivariate regression techniques. Findings show that both economic growth and the expansion of government transfer schemes were associated with falling absolute child poverty rates. While the association between growth and relative child poverty was on average more muted, the analyses found growth to be related to reductions in relative child poverty when combined with sufficiently extensive government transfers, while the opposite effect was found in the face of inadequate levels of transfers. The study provides a framework for studying interrelated effects of national institutions and economic processes, with the findings highlighting the fruitfulness of including indicators on social protection policies when inquiring about enabling conditions for inclusive growth in a development context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Chile, a conditional cash transfer (CCT) programme was established by a left-wing government in 2004 and then re-established by a right-wing coalition in 2014. Despite some revisions and adjustments, Ingreso Ético Familiar maintained the core characteristics of its predecessor Chile Solidario. This reflected a wider trend of CCT adoption by an ideologically diverse group of governments. Against this background, it is obvious that the CCT policy model appeals to political decision-makers on a wide scale, or at least makes it acceptable to them. However, questions remain: how was this model embraced by the ideologically opposing coalitions in Chile? And more broadly: how do CCTs appeal to such a wide range of policymakers? The article explores the argumentation of Chilean Members of Parliament and examines how the ideological and political consensus around these programmes was discursively attained. Through this case, the article also sheds light on how domestic policy dynamics interact with global policy processes. The analysis revealed points of confluence, which serve to illustrate the CCT model's capacity to convey different meanings to different people – allowing it to be interpreted to fit a variety of different perspectives. I define this quality as discursive malleability and argue that it is an important quality not only in explaining how a policy model can resonate among or appeal to such a wide range of policymakers, but also in the process where a global model is adopted in a country and becomes part of the domestic political debate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The negative impacts of the COVID-19 pandemic have motivated an unprecedented level of global advocacy for gender-responsive and gender-transformative social protection systems that buffer individuals from shocks and vulnerabilities. This turn to a systems approach reflects growing recognition that the presence of one or two social protection programmes targeting women does not guarantee that they are protected throughout the course of their lives and over a wide range of contingencies. Relative to the high levels of interest, however, very little empirical evidence exists about what a gender-responsive or transformative social protection system entails in practice. This article departs from existing literature that focuses on the design and impact of discreet social protection instruments, to present a 'state of the evidence' on gender and social protection systems. Drawing on the results of a phased scoping review of academic and policy literature spanning various fields, the article charts the defining features of the existing evidence base, summarizes what is known and identifies pathways for future research. In addition to scholarly analysis, the article offers a comprehensive view of the evidence for policymakers, practitioners, movement leaders and funders working on policy problems from a gender perspective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the evolution towards more service-intensive social investment welfare states across Europe, research on the institutional capacities of subnational welfare provision is increasingly relevant. Based on a comparative case analysis of three post-industrial municipalities in Europe, this article harbors a two-pronged objective: first, empirically, to show how regional and local governance capabilities are crucial to effective SI policy delivery; second, more positively, to bring out the proficiency of vertical coordination between national administration and subnational layers, alongside the critical role of horizontal policy discretion at the local level to align social benefits and capacitating services for the success of SI delivery; and, by implication, the overall responsiveness of national welfare systems to the changing nature of 21st century socioeconomic risks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Old-age poverty in Korea remains exceptionally high among OECD countries despite a significant expansion in pension expenditure. This article presents an institutional explanation for such a puzzle. Using 'targeting within universalism' as the analytic framework, this study examines the institutional effects of pension models on old-age poverty in Korea. Firstly, comparative analysis finds that universal provision of pensions negatively affects old-age poverty independent of the expenditure size, identifying Korean pensions as the least universal among OECD countries. Secondly, institutional analysis of the Korean pension system explains why the expenditure growth left a large share of the elderly with no or a partial pension. Finally, microsimulation analysis examines alternative assistance pension models for their potential to alter poverty outcomes. Strikingly, universal models alleviate old-age poverty more cost-effectively than the extant targeting model, questioning the efficiency-based justification for low-income targeting. In particular, the universal floor model appears to be the most effective, allowing greater benefits to the poorer without a means test. Even for assistance benefits, universal models may better remedy poverty under such conditions as low take-up among the needy, prevalence of low-income incidence, and pro-rich distribution of extant social transfers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In many Western countries local welfare agencies retain large responsibilities in the practical organisation of means-tested support. While this may lead to substantial differences in the application trajectories of prospective claimants, what has garnered little empirical research is how local agencies use their discretion to implement practices that may encourage or discourage take-up. In addition, we know little on the extent to which variation in local implementation is attributable to differences in local conditions. Focusing on Belgium as an interesting case, this article addresses this gap by mapping the variation in local implementation practices in specific aspects of social assistance that are relevant in terms of limiting non-take-up. We assess whether certain local political, socio-demographic or economic characteristics favour implementation practices, using structural equation modelling on custom-collected data on the practical organisation of social assistance application trajectories in 119 Belgian municipalities. The results show that local welfare agencies implement coherent practices regarding information provision, accessibility, trust and the locus of initiative in the claiming process. We find the political orientation of the municipality and the share of foreigners in the municipality to be related with, respectively, shifting the locus of initiative away from the welfare claimant and a focus on information provision. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduced in the United Kingdom in 2012, Universal Credit (UC) is a welfare benefit that replaces six working-age 'legacy' benefits for out-of-work and low-income people. Designed with the aim of simplifying benefits and incentivising paid work, UC represents a deepening of conditionality in the British welfare state. Considering these developments, this paper quantitatively investigates the effect of UC on recipients' life satisfaction. Data from the United Kingdom Household Longitudinal Study is analysed, primarily using a fixed-effects regression approach. Results reveal a significantly negative effect of UC recipience on life satisfaction. Robustness checks and alternative model specifications, including difference-in-differences and inverse probability weighting, confirm this finding. Additionally, mediation models give credence to the idea that UC also negatively affects life satisfaction indirectly by increasing psychological distress. Heterogeneity tests indicate that UC has a less negative effect on single parents' life satisfaction compared to non-parents. Meanwhile, UC has a significantly more negative effect on the life satisfaction of people not in paid work (for reasons other than unemployment) than those in paid work. Discussion focuses on the potential effect of welfare conditionality specifically, and implications for future research and policy are explored. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Paperwork has always been a central part of bureaucratic work. Over the last few years, bureaucratic procedures have become increasingly standardised and digitalised. Based on interviews and ethnographic fieldwork within welfare offices in Switzerland and Belgium, we reflect on the way evidence is constructed within social policy and cases built for or against noncitizen welfare recipients in order to show how paper truths are established and challenged. The focus on digital practices within public policy implementation highlights how it contributes to enhanced control mechanisms on the implementation level and how migration law continues to guide welfare governance for noncitizens. This allows targeting of the most marginalised groups, whose rights to access state support are institutionally impeded. Through database information flows, official forms, paper reports and face-to-face meetings, we further show how a hybrid form of bureaucratic work emerges, where direct contact with the client is still key, yet highly influenced by standardisation processes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent literature has widely discussed how housing price is linked to consumption and tenure choices, while tended to ignore that consumption and tenure choices are inter-correlated. This study employs the simultaneous equation model to explore how the housing purchase intention affects the non-housing consumption, considering the role of housing market sentiment. The result shows, on average, the housing purchase intention is associated with higher non-housing consumption, and a higher sentiment magnifies this positive relationship. Housing price level and growth decrease the household's enthusiasm of purchasing a new house, while sentiment is positively related to the housing purchase intention. Renters' behavior is less likely be affected by sentiment. In addition, the heterogeneous analysis indicates that households face a trade-off between housing and certain kinds of commodities. This study has some significant, practical implications on optimizing households' wealth allocation, implementing housing policy and improving the social welfare. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Child welfare decisions have life-impacting consequences which, often times, are underpinned by limited or inadequate data and poor quality. Though research of data quality has gained popularity and made advancements in various practical areas, it has not made significant inroads for child welfare fields or data systems. Poor data quality can hinder service decision-making, impacting child behavioral health and well-being as well as increasing unnecessary expenditure of time and resources. Poor data quality can also undermine the validity of research and slow policymaking processes. The purpose of this commentary is to summarize the data quality research base in other fields, describe obstacles and uniqueness to improve data quality in child welfare, and propose necessary steps to scientific research and practical implementation that enables researchers and practitioners to improve the quality of child welfare services based on the enhanced quality of data. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Cyprus is a nation of great history, old and new, that makes up a controversial and often stressful environment in which social work is practiced. The intent of this paper is to highlight the Cypriot context and discuss how the Global Agenda is integrated in it. Drawing on the key objectives of the Global Agenda — promoting social and economic equalities; promoting the dignity and worth of peoples; promoting community and environmental sustainability; and, strengthening recognition of the importance of human relationships — the paper explores the challenges and barriers that social work in the nation faces in an attempt to promote the wellbeing and growth of communities, families and individuals. With consideration to the many and rich initiatives toward increasing social solidarity, collaboration and community engagement, the paper makes suggestions to overcome the challenges that prevent social work from fully committing to the agenda. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As interest in universal basic income (UBI) policy has peaked in recent years, the study of public support for such a policy is rapidly developing. While recent studies recognise the multidimensionality of the UBI proposal, we still know little about to what extent support for UBI is unambiguously supported or rejected. We show that the public holds distinct but related opinions towards three dimensions of UBI: universalism, redistribution and unconditionality. The higher and lower educated are equally ambivalent towards the policy, suggesting a lack of political entrenchment towards UBI in Dutch society. Post hoc comparisons show that key demographics and constituencies support some dimensions while rejecting others, enabling both compromise and division on the issue. Despite these distinct controversies, however, the strong correlation between attitudinal dimensions suggests that survey experiments tend to overstate the degree of multidimensionality by ignoring the strong commonalities in support for policy aspects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on collective engagement through voluntary organizations to advance a theoretical understanding of the determinants of varying patterns of co-production, and we conduct an empirical investigation of how these determinants shape local-level co-productive relationships in Norwegian municipalities. We use a policy fields approach in which we compare four policy areas that each constitute an institutional field. The study uses a qualitative design, with data from 89 interviews in 12 municipalities. We find strong systematic differences between the fields, suggesting that the institutional space for local co-production is structured by national welfare policies and public management practices. We also identify feedback processes in co-production between the design and implementation stages of the policy process. We conclude that, unlike the often-prescriptive embrace of co-production in the literature and among policymakers, co-production is a more suitable organizational form in some service areas than others, depending on the institutional context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There were 9.7 million Native Americans (American Indian, Alaska Native-AI/AN- these acronyms will be used interchangeably with Native Americans throughout the paper) in 2019 comprising 2.9% of the U.S. population. Native American populations have disproportionately higher rates of mental illnesses compared to other racial groups in the U.S. Mental health is a significant public health concern for this population, impacting different areas of their lives including employment. Additionally, Native Americans continue to experience significant disparities in access to Vocational Rehabilitation (VR) services and have poor employment outcomes. However, little is known about the relationships among demographic factors, vocational rehabilitation services, and employment outcomes of Native Americans with mental illness. Consequently, the current study examined how demographic factors and VR services are related to successful employment outcomes for Native American VR clients with mental illnesses using data from the Rehabilitation Services Administration (RSA) program year (2019) Case Service Report (9–11). Both descriptive analysis and data mining approaches were used to answer the research questions. Chi-square Automatic Interaction Detector (CHAID) analysis was used to determine which of the VR services could best predict the successful employment outcome of Native Americans with mental illness. The findings of the data mining approach revealed that among all the vocational rehabilitation services, job placement assistance was the strongest predictor of successful employment among Native American clients with mental illnesses. The second most important service predicting successful employment for those who received job placement assistance was shown to be maintenance. Implications for rehabilitation counselors and future research are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using qualitative interviews with a panel of parents over two years (n = 33 and 23) and a retrospective biographical framework, I ask how welfare recipients reach their 60-month lifetime limit; specifically, what conditions, experiences, and circumstances keep them from exiting welfare permanently before 60 months? Recipients traversed an array of trajectories based on differing relationships to the labor market, including cycling in and out of the labor market and welfare, navigating the margins of the labor market, and working toward a four-year degree. Despite following different trajectories related to labor force attachment, the analysis shows that these parents who timed out of welfare shared a common set of circumstances which created a snare of undermining conditions—destabilizing events which interacted with the challenges of the low wage labor market, parenting in poverty, and a tattered safety net. Given the challenges of poverty in the U.S. even strong attachment to the labor market did not prevent a third of the sample from exhausting access to cash assistance. My analysis broadens our understandings of how individuals meet their lifetime limits to welfare by looking beyond individual-level characteristics, such as labor force attachment, and highlighting the ways experiences of timing out are situated in race, class, and gender inequalities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]